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Self-efficacy

Self-efficacy
Self-efficacy is the extent or strength of one's belief in one's own ability to complete tasks and reach goals.[1] Psychologists have studied self-efficacy from several perspectives, noting various paths in the development of self-efficacy; the dynamics of self-efficacy, and lack thereof, in many different settings; interactions between self-efficacy and self-concept; and habits of attribution that contribute to, or detract from, self-efficacy. This can be seen as the ability to persist and a person's ability to succeed with a task. As an example, self-efficacy directly relates to how long someone will stick to a workout regimen or a diet. High and low self-efficacy determine whether or not someone will choose to take on a challenging task or "write it off" as impossible. Self-efficacy affects every area of human endeavor. Theoretical approaches[edit] Social cognitive theory[edit] Social learning theory[edit] Self-concept theory[edit] Main article: Self-concept Attribution theory[edit] 1. 2.

Locus of control In personality psychology, locus of control refers to the extent to which individuals believe that they can control events that affect them. Understanding of the concept was developed by Julian B. Rotter in 1954, and has since become an aspect of personality studies. A person's "locus" (Latin for "place" or "location") is conceptualized as either internal (the person believes they can control their life) or external (meaning they believe that their decisions and life are controlled by environmental factors which they cannot influence, or by chance or fate).[1] Individuals with a high internal locus of control believe that events in their life derive primarily from their own actions: for example, when receiving test results, people with an internal locus of control would tend to praise or blame themselves and their abilities, whereas people with an external locus of control would tend to praise or blame an external factor such as the teacher or the test.[2] History[edit] Applications[edit]

Self-esteem Human emotional need Self-esteem is confidence in one's own worth, abilities, or morals. Self-esteem encompasses beliefs about oneself (for example, "I am loved", "I am worthy") as well as emotional states, such as triumph, despair, pride, and shame.[1] Smith and Mackie define it by saying "The self-concept is what we think about the self; self-esteem, is the positive or negative evaluations of the self, as in how we feel about it (see self)."[2] The construct of self-esteem has been shown to be a desirable one in psychology, as it is associated with a variety of positive outcomes, such as academic achievement,[3][4] relationship satisfaction,[5] happiness,[6] and lower rates of criminal behavior. Self-esteem can apply to a specific attribute or globally. History[edit] The concept of self-esteem has its origins in the 18th century, first expressed in the writings of the Scottish enlightenment thinker David Hume. In public policy[edit] Theories[edit] Measurement[edit] Shame[edit] High[edit]

Depressive realism Evidence for[edit] Evidence against[edit] When asked to rate both their performance and the performance of another, non-depressed individuals demonstrated positive bias when rating themselves but no bias when rating others. Criticism of the evidence[edit] Some have argued that the evidence is not more conclusive because there is no standard for "reality," the diagnoses are dubious, and the results may not apply to the real world.[33] Because many studies rely on self-report of depressive symptoms, the diagnosis of depression in these studies may not be valid as self-reports are known to often be biased, necessitating the use of other objective measures. See also[edit] References[edit] Jump up ^ Alloy,L.B., Abramson,L.Y. (1988). Further reading[edit] Rachel Adelson (April 2005).

Self-control In behavior analysis[edit] Another view is that self-control represents the locus of two conflicting contingencies of reinforcement, which then make a controlling response reinforcing when it causes changes in the controlled response.[2][3] Research[edit] Counteractive[edit] Desire is an affectively charged motivation toward a certain object, person, or activity that is associated with pleasure or relief from displeasure.[4] Desires vary in strength and duration. A desire becomes a temptation, entering the area of self-control, if the behavior resulting from the desire conflicts with an individual’s values or other self-regulatory goals.[5][6] A limitation to research on desire is the issue of individuals desiring different things. Desires that conflict with overarching goals or values are known as temptations.[6][8] Self-control dilemmas occur when long-term goals and values clash with short-term temptations. Satiation[edit] Construal levels[edit] Human and non-human[edit] B.F. Drugs[edit]

Metacognition Metacognition is defined as "cognition about cognition", or "knowing about knowing". It comes from the root word "meta", meaning beyond.[1] It can take many forms; it includes knowledge about when and how to use particular strategies for learning or for problem solving.[1] There are generally two components of metacognition: knowledge about cognition, and regulation of cognition.[2] Metamemory, defined as knowing about memory and mnemonic strategies, is an especially important form of metacognition.[3] Differences in metacognitive processing across cultures have not been widely studied, but could provide better outcomes in cross-cultural learning between teachers and students.[4] Some evolutionary psychologists hypothesize that metacognition is used as a survival tool, which would make metacognition the same across cultures.[4] Writings on metacognition can be traced back at least as far as De Anima and the Parva Naturalia of the Greek philosopher Aristotle.[5] Definitions[edit] [edit]

Self-actualization Self-actualization is a term that has been used in various psychology theories, often in slightly different ways. The term was originally introduced by the organismic theorist Kurt Goldstein for the motive to realize one's full potential. Expressing one's creativity, quest for spiritual enlightenment, pursuit of knowledge, and the desire to give to society are examples of self-actualization. In Goldstein's view, it is the organism's master motive, the only real motive: "the tendency to actualize itself as fully as possible is the basic drive... the drive of self-actualization."[1] Carl Rogers similarly wrote of "the curative force in psychotherapy - man's tendency to actualize himself, to become his potentialities... to express and activate all the capacities of the organism In Goldstein's theory[edit] Maslow's hierarchy of needs[edit] Abraham Maslow's book Motivation and Personality started a philosophical revolution out of which grew humanistic psychology. In psychology[edit]

1-800-GOOG-411: Find and connect with local businesses for free Speak instead of type, using your voice to control your phone or tablet. Search the web and your phone, call your contacts, send emails, get directions and listen to music, all without worrying about having to type. Only on Android Rubicon model From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia In psychological theories of motivation, the Rubicon model, more completely the Rubicon model of action phases, makes a distinction between motivational and volitional processes. The Rubicon model "defines clear boundaries between motivational and action phases." The name "Rubicon model" derives from the tale of Caesar's crossing the Rubicon River, a point of no return, thereby revealing his intentions. "Once subjects move from planning and goal-setting to the implementation of plans, they cross a metaphorical Rubicon. — Lyn Corno, The best laid plans, p. 15 (quoted by Rauber) The Rubicon model addresses four questions, as identified by Achtziger and Gollwitzer:[3] How do people select their goals? The study of these issues is undertaken by both the fields of cognitive neuroscience and social psychology. Background[edit] See also[edit] References[edit]

Dunning–Kruger effect Cognitive bias about one's own skill The Dunning–Kruger effect is a cognitive bias in which people with limited competence in a particular domain overestimate their abilities. It was first described by Justin Kruger and David Dunning in 1999. Some researchers also include the opposite effect for high performers: their tendency to underestimate their skills. In popular culture, the Dunning–Kruger effect is often misunderstood as a claim about general overconfidence of people with low intelligence instead of specific overconfidence of people unskilled at a particular task. Numerous similar studies have been done. There is disagreement about the causes of the Dunning–Kruger effect. There is also disagreement about where the effect applies and about how strong it is, as well as about its practical consequences. The Dunning–Kruger effect is defined as the tendency of people with low ability in a specific area to give overly positive assessments of this ability. David Dunning [edit]

Rosenberg self-esteem scale From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Self-report questionnaire The Rosenberg self-esteem scale (RSES), developed by the sociologist Morris Rosenberg,[1] is a self-esteem measure widely used in social science research. It uses a scale of 0–30, where a score less than 15 may indicate problematic low self-esteem.[2] Although the instrument was developed for use with adolescents, it has been widely used in research on adults.[3][4] The RSES is designed similar to the social-survey questionnaires. Five of the items have positively worded statements and five have negatively worded ones. The RSES has been translated and adapted to various languages, such as Persian,[6] French,[7] Chinese,[8] Italian,[9] German,[10] Portuguese,[11] and Spanish.[12] The scale is extensively used in cross-cultural studies in up to 53 different nations.[13] See also[edit] Psychological testing References[edit] ^ Rosenberg, M. (1965). External links[edit] Online Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale

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